Turkey and UK Relations

Turkey and UK Relations Introduction: The relationship between Turkey and United Kingdom is well-rounded and covers economic, politic, military and social aspects. In this paper, the relationship between Turkey and United Kingdom was divided as four section. These sections are information about United Kingdom, historical background of relationship, conflicts and cooperation between Turkey and United Kingdom. Nowadays, the relationship between United Kingdom and Turkey is seen in a golden age after the intensive mutual high-level visits and the Strategic Partnership Document in 2010.[1] The argument of this paper is even if there were some conflicts and historical grievances between UK and Turkey, the current relationship has a stringent links with the trade relations and alliances. Information About United Kingdom: As an European country United Kingdom has some differences from Continental Europe such as geographical and political. This differences have significant effect to determine the position of United Kingdom about the European Union membership of Turkey. United Kingdom as an island state do not have territorial neighbors and land borders so UK has an abstraction and isolation from Continental Europe. As political, United Kingdom has a constitutional monarchy unlike Europe. This system includes items from democracy, aristocracy and monarchy. While Queen who has a symbolic effect in policy of United Kingdom, symbolizes monarch items, on the other side elections, juristic system, political parties and House of Commons exhibit the democratic structure of United Kingdom. Besides, House of Lords shows the aristocratic items of United Kingdom. In the foreign policies of United Kingdom, USA has a significant role. According to Winston Churchill, United States of America should be preferential in the spheres of interest of United Kingdom. Therefore, generally foreign policies of UK are coordinated with USA. For instance, United States of America and United Kingdom had common operations such as Iraq War in 2003.In this regard, Turkey had and still have some common policies with United Kingdom. For example USA, Turkey and UK are the same side about the support to Syrian opposition. To understand the effect of United Kingdom in the foreign policy of Turkey, we should know the historical background of the relationship between UK and Turkey. Historical Background: The diplomatic relationship between Turkey and UK has started in sixteen century to against Spain as the common enemy . The first ambassador of United Kingdom in Ottoman Empire was William Harborne in 1583.[2] Ottoman Empire has established its first permanent embassy in UK in 18.century and Yusuf Agà ¢h Efendi as the first ambassador of Ottoman Empire in London, started his mission in 1793.[3] This diplomatic relations with United Kingdom was used by Ottoman Empire as a balance policy against Russia. Ottoman Empire was able to win Crimean War in 1853 against Russia with the assistance and alliance of United Kingdom. Moreover, Napoleons attack to Egypt was stopped by Ottoman Empire with the assistance of navy of United Kingdom. The balance policy of Ottoman Empire has availed until 19.century and UK has tried to protect Ottoman Empires territorial integrity against Russia until1878.After 1877-1878 War( 93 Warfare), UK changed its policy about protect the Ottoman Empires territorial integrity and tried to establish buffer zones against Russia.[4] Apart from alliances, United Kingdom and Ottoman Empire have been at war in World War One. In First World War, United Kingdom and Ottoman Empire have fought in Gallipoli Campaign and Middle East Campaigns. After the war and the defeat of Ottoman Empire, Ä °stanbul was occupied by United Kingdom and UK established mandates in Iraq and Palestine which was a part of Ottoman Empire. During the National Struggle Period, there was no a hot conflicts with United Kingdom. After the establishment of Republic of Turkey, political conflicts with UK has started about the Mosul issue. CONFLICTS: Despite there is no a current and serious conflict between UK and Turkey now, Mosul and Cyprus Dispute were important events and conflicts between Turkey and UK. After National Struggle , UK as a mandatory of Iraq had tension with Turkey towards on Mosul Issue. On the one hand, Turkey argued that Mosul is in National Pact , on the other hands United Kingdom believed that Mosul is significant and necessary for the dependence of Iraq because of the strategic location and oilfields of Mosul.[5] After the Lausanne Peace Treaty, Turkey and United Kingdom were not able to solve issue so UK applied to League of Nations. League of Nations has prepared a report which gave the region to Iraq and Turkey refused this decision and sides have applied to International Court of Justice.[6] The Courts gave decision that League of Nation decision is binding for two sides.[7] At the end, Turkey and United Kingdom has agreed about the Mosul and Turkey has accepted the decisions of League of Nations, on condition that Turkey will take the %25 of petrol income of Mosul over 25 years.[8]Hereby, sides were able to solve the conflict with peaceful methods, Mosul became a part of Iraq and UK and Turkey signed Ankara Treaty. As an another conflicts between UK and Turkey, Cyprus Issue has started with Enosis idea of Greek Cypriots. United Kingdom took part in this issue because when World War One started, United Kingdom annexed Cyprus in 1914 and UK has used the island a military based until the end of Second World War. After the decolonization, Republic of Cyprus was established under the Turkey, UK and Greeces guarantor in 1959. During the tension between Greeks and Turks in island, UK was against the military intervention of Turkey because of the British citizens who were living in island and also the cooperation with the Greeks was necessary for United Kingdom to continuity military bases of UK.[9]After the Cyprus intervention of Turkey, Turkish Cypriots declared the independent Turki sh Republic of Northern Cyprus. The United Kingdom does not recognize the TRNC which is only recognized by Turkey. The UK is a signatory state of the Treaty of Guarantee which concerning the independence and status of Cyprus. In terms of United Kingdom, there is more possibility about the solving Cyprus issue. United Kingdom hopes some alternative approaches can be developed which is more likely than previous efforts to built a peaceful settlement .In this regard, revenues from Cyprus possible gas reserves is seen an significant instrument to expedite for solving the issue peacefully.[10] In addition, 14 negotiation chapters of Turkey can not open because of the Cyprus issue so United Kingdom believes that the solution of this issue with gas reserving, causes a serious development about the Turkeys membership to European Union.[11] Despite all of this historical grievances, nowadays relations shape with the cooperation which have good trade relations and alliances between UK and Tur key. COOPERATIONS: Turkey had and still have some regional alliances such as CENTO and NATO.After the Second World War, the bipolar world system emerged and USA prepare some regional organizations such as NATO, CENTO and SEATO. CENTOS Original name was Middle East Treaty Organization. It was formed by United Kingdom, Iraq, Pakistan, Iran and Turkey in 1955. Its aim was to contain the Soviet Union and prevent Soviet expansion into the Middle East. The Iran Islam Revolution caused the end of the organization , however when Turkey invaded Cyprus it had already been finished in reality. As another regional organization NATO was formed to contain Soviet Union in the same way with CEATO too. This international military alliance system aims an common defence when a states attacks to a member state of NATO. Before Turkey became the member of NATO in 1952, United Kingdom had been a founding member of NATO. As military alliance, Turkey and United Kingdom meet some military practices such as Exercise Joint Warrio r .[12]Turkey and UK have various bilateral trade agreements such as the â€Å"2010 Strategic Partnership Document†, which was signed during Prime Minister Cameron’s visit to Turkey in July 2010, creates a road map to strengthen the strategic partnership. As a member of European Union, United Kingdom had significant trade relations which comes from the empire on which the sun never sets.After the decolonization period and the nationalization of the Suez Canal , United Kingdom started to lose its commercial advantage and headed to European Union.[13] When we look at the role of UK about European Union membership of Turkey, UK is one the big supporter of Turkey about membership of European Union. Rather than Germany and France, UK is not interested socio-cultural reasons and Turkey as a big developing economy is seen suitable and useful for EU by UK. Prime Minister of United Kingdom Tony Blair was one of the main supporter of Turkish membership to EU and likewise Blairâ €™s successor Gordon Brown argues the membership. This policy of United Kingdom is an evidence of the harmony with US and also United Kingdom prefers to wide European Union rather than to deep it.[14] With the occlusion of Turkeys membership about EU, idea of UK-style membership was created.[15] According to this membership, Turkey can be member like United Kingdom which does not include some parts of EU such as Euro and Schengen policy. As a thesis, this idea is seen that it can become possible membership of Turkey. Another area of cooperation is trade which have an significant effect between United Kingdom and Turkey.Turkey as an important trade partner of UK, Turkey-UK bilateral trade volume was 13,9 billion dollar in 2011. [16]Turkey has a trade surplus in trade with United Kingdom which is a developed country. There are 2.362 companies which have capital operating of United Kingdom in Turkey and UK’s direct investments have reached 917 million dollar in Turkey in 201 1 .[17] Last year, the export of Turkey to UK increased by 8 percent and become 8 billion 584 million 178 thousand dollar.[18] Thus, UK become the third partner in export list of Turkey after Germany and Iraq. Over the last year, Turkish firms exported to UK a lot of product. According to Exporters Assembly, clothing and apparel products have the biggest part of export to UK. In this sector, 12.48 percent of these products are gone to UK.[19] As leading export products of Turkey, textiles and raw materials export amount to UK are 321 million 167 thousand.[20] Beko, Yà ¼nSA, Vitra, Vestel, BMC, Desa Deri and Çimstone are Turkish firms which export to UK. [21]The top 5 imports categories from UK were: metalliferous ores and metal scrap, power generating machinery and equipment, road vehicles, medicinal and pharmaceutical products, iron and steel.[22] Vodafone, HSBC, TESCO, Marks Spencer and Harvey Nichols are important British firms which invest in Turkey.[23] Sometimes, trade b arriers emerged in the trade relations between Turkey and United Kingdom. As a member state of European Union, United Kingdom has some health, safety, environmental protection regulations which causes some difficulties to importation of Turkey to UK.[24] Despite these regulations, United Kingdom is one of flexible member of European Union about this issue. Another problem in trade relations between Turkey and United Kingdom is visa issue. Sometimes, Turkish businessmen have difficulties to getting visa.[25]There are also some events that harm the relations between United Kingdom and Turkey. The deficiency of Turkish law system and human right violations cause a negative international reputation for Turkey.[26] This kind of insufficiencies complicate to defend and support Turkey on the road of European Union membership in terms of United Kingdom.[27] In addition, the restriction of free expression and unfettered media in Turkey harms to relations and strategic partnership between Uni ted Kingdom and Turkey.[28]When we look at the social area ,there are 250 thousand Turkish citizens who is living in the UK and more than 2.5 million British tourists visited Turkey in 2011.[29] Moreover, 34.460 British citizens have 26.730 properties in Turkey.[30] Conclusion: Turkey and United Kingdom have good relations which comes from historical background. United Kingdom was an important figure as a balance policy in the foreign policy of Ottoman Empire. Even if there were some historical grievances, wars and conflicts in the history of Turkey-United Kingdom relationship, current relationship has a stringent links with the trade relations and alliances. With the good trade relations, support about the European membership and Strategic Partnership , the relationship between United Kingdom and Turkey is in golden age. BIBLIOGRAPHY: Asst. Prof. Dr Bahar Hurmi,European Union Lecture Notes, AtÄ ±lÄ ±m University, 2013 Doà § Dr Ulvi Keser, Armenia Issue Lecture Notes, AtÄ ±lÄ ±m University, 2012 European Union Center of North Carolina EU Briefings, Turkeys Quest for EU Membership ,March 2008 Ä °ngiltere Tà ¼rkiye’nin ÃÅ"à §Ãƒ ¼ncà ¼ Ä °hracat OrtaÄÅ ¸Ãƒâ€žÃ‚ ±,Retrieved, http://www.londragazete.com/?p=6344 House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee, UK–Turkey Relations and Turkeys Regional Role, March 2012, T.C Ekonomi BakanlÄ ±Ãƒâ€žÃ… ¸Ãƒâ€žÃ‚ ±, Ä °ngiltere, 2013 T.C Londra Bà ¼yà ¼kelà §iliÄÅ ¸i Ticaret Mà ¼Ãƒâ€¦Ã… ¸avirliÄÅ ¸i, Tà ¼rkiye Ä °ngiltere Ticari Ä °liÃ…Å ¸kileri Tà ¼rkiye-Ä °ngiltere Siyasi Ä °liÃ…Å ¸kileri ,Retrieved May 16, http://www.mfa.gov.tr/turkiye-ingiltere-siyasi-iliskileri.tr.mfa William Hale, Tà ¼rk DÄ ±Ãƒâ€¦Ã… ¸ PolitikasÄ ±, Arkeoloji ve Sanat YayÄ ±nlarÄ ±, Mart 2003 Joint Warrior TatbikatÄ ±, Atlas Okyanusu’nda baÃ…Å ¸ladÄ ±, Retrieved May 16, http://www.denizhaber.com.tr/dzkk-sgk/54668/joint-warrior-tatbikati-atlas-okyanusunda-basladi.html Sezgin Mercan, Tà ¼rkiye-AB Ä °liÃ…Å ¸kilerine Ä °ngiltere Modeli, February 2013 11 Ã…Å ¾ubat Ä °ngiltere BasÄ ±n Ãâ€"zeti ,RetrievedMay16, http://www.bbc.co.uk/turkce/basinozeti/2014/02/140211_basin_ozeti.shtml 1 [1] Tà ¼rkiye-Ä °ngiltere Siyasi Ä °liÃ…Å ¸kileri ,Retrieved May 16, http://www.mfa.gov.tr/turkiye-ingiltere-siyasi-iliskileri.tr.mfa [2] Tà ¼rkiye-Ä °ngiltere Siyasi Ä °liÃ…Å ¸kileri ,Retrieved May 16, http://www.mfa.gov.tr/turkiye-ingiltere-siyasi-iliskileri.tr.mfa [3] Tà ¼rkiye-Ä °ngiltere Siyasi Ä °liÃ…Å ¸kileri ,Retrieved May 16, http://www.mfa.gov.tr/turkiye-ingiltere-siyasi-iliskileri.tr.mfa [4]Doà § Dr Ulvi Keser, Armenia Issue Lecture Notes, AtÄ ±lÄ ±m University, 2012 [5]William Hale, Tà ¼rk DÄ ±Ãƒâ€¦Ã… ¸ PolitikasÄ ±, Arkeoloji ve Sanat YayÄ ±nlarÄ ±, Mart 2003, p 51 [6] William Hale, Tà ¼rk DÄ ±Ãƒâ€¦Ã… ¸ PolitikasÄ ±, Arkeoloji ve Sanat YayÄ ±nlarÄ ±, Mart 2003, p 51-52 [7] William Hale, Tà ¼rk DÄ ±Ãƒâ€¦Ã… ¸ PolitikasÄ ±, Arkeoloji ve Sanat YayÄ ±nlarÄ ±, Mart 2003, p 52 [8] William Hale, Tà ¼rk DÄ ±Ãƒâ€¦Ã… ¸ PolitikasÄ ±, Arkeoloji ve Sanat YayÄ ±nlarÄ ±, Mart 2003, p 52 [9] William Hale, Tà ¼rk DÄ ±Ãƒâ€¦Ã… ¸ PolitikasÄ ±, Arkeoloji ve Sanat YayÄ ±nlarÄ ±, Mart 2003, p 161 [10] House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee, UK–Turkey Relations and Turkeys Regional Role, March 2012, p 11 [11]11 Ã…Å ¾ubat Ä °ngiltere BasÄ ±n Ãâ€"zeti ,RetrievedMay16, http://www.bbc.co.uk/turkce/basinozeti/2014/02/140211_basin_ozeti.shtml [12] Joint Warrior TatbikatÄ ±, Atlas Okyanusu’nda baÃ…Å ¸ladÄ ±, Retrieved May 16, http://www.denizhaber.com.tr/dzkk-sgk/54668/joint-warrior-tatbikati-atlas-okyanusunda-basladi.html [13] Asst. Prof. Dr Bahar Hurmi,European Union Lecture Notes, AtÄ ±lÄ ±m University, 2013 [14] European Union Center of North Carolina EU Briefings, Turkeys Quest for EU Membership ,March 2008, p 6 [15] Sezgin Mercan, Tà ¼rkiye-AB Ä °liÃ…Å ¸kilerine Ä °ngiltere Modeli, February 2013 [16] Tà ¼rkiye-Ä °ngiltere Siyasi Ä °liÃ…Å ¸kileri ,Retrieved May 16, http://www.mfa.gov.tr/turkiye-ingiltere-siyasi-iliskileri.tr.mfa [17] Tà ¼rkiye-Ä °ngiltere Siyasi Ä °liÃ…Å ¸kileri ,Retrieved May 16, http://www.mfa.gov.tr/turkiye-ingiltere-siyasi-iliskileri.tr.mfa [18] Ä °ngiltere Tà ¼rkiye’nin ÃÅ"à §Ãƒ ¼ncà ¼ Ä °hracat OrtaÄÅ ¸Ãƒâ€žÃ‚ ±,Retrieved, http://www.londragazete.com/?p=6344 [19] Ä °ngiltere Tà ¼rkiye’nin ÃÅ"à §Ãƒ ¼ncà ¼ Ä °hracat OrtaÄÅ ¸Ãƒâ€žÃ‚ ±,Retrieved, http://www.londragazete.com/?p=6344 [20] Ä °ngiltere Tà ¼rkiye’nin ÃÅ"à §Ãƒ ¼ncà ¼ Ä °hracat OrtaÄÅ ¸Ãƒâ€žÃ‚ ±,Retrieved, http://www.londragazete.com/?p=6344 [21] T.C Londra Bà ¼yà ¼kelà §iliÄÅ ¸i Ticaret Mà ¼Ãƒâ€¦Ã… ¸avirliÄÅ ¸i, Tà ¼rkiye Ä °ngiltere Ticari Ä °liÃ…Å ¸kileri, p 3 [22] T.C Ekonomi BakanlÄ ±Ãƒâ€žÃ… ¸Ãƒâ€žÃ‚ ±, Ä °ngiltere, 2013, p 4 [23] T.C Londra Bà ¼yà ¼kelà §iliÄÅ ¸i Ticaret Mà ¼Ãƒâ€¦Ã… ¸avirliÄÅ ¸i, Tà ¼rkiye Ä °ngiltere Ticari Ä °liÃ…Å ¸kileri, p 3 [24] T.C Londra Bà ¼yà ¼kelà §iliÄÅ ¸i Ticaret Mà ¼Ãƒâ€¦Ã… ¸avirliÄÅ ¸i, Tà ¼rkiye Ä °ngiltere Ticari Ä °liÃ…Å ¸kileri, p 9 [25] T.C Londra Bà ¼yà ¼kelà §iliÄÅ ¸i Ticaret Mà ¼Ãƒâ€¦Ã… ¸avirliÄÅ ¸i, Tà ¼rkiye Ä °ngiltere Ticari Ä °liÃ…Å ¸kileri, p 9 [26] House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee, UK–Turkey Relations and Turkeys Regional Role, March 2012, p 3 [27] House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee, UK–Turkey Relations and Turkeys Regional Role, March 2012, p 3 [28] House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee, UK–Turkey Relations and Turkeys Regional Role, March 2012, p 3 [29] Tà ¼rkiye-Ä °ngiltere Siyasi Ä °liÃ…Å ¸kileri ,Retrieved May 16, http://www.mfa.gov.tr/turkiye-ingiltere-siyasi-iliskileri.tr.mfa [30] Tà ¼rkiye-Ä °ngiltere Siyasi Ä °liÃ…Å ¸kileri ,Retrieved May 16, http://www.mfa.gov.tr/turkiye-ingiltere-siyasi-iliskileri.tr.mfa

Marketing Strategies of UK Political Parties

Marketing Strategies of UK Political Parties In this paper we examine the use of political marketing in the United Kingdom and the United States of America. It focuses on the hypothetical theoretical aspects of marketing frameworks, which are identified and applying these frameworks to the marketing strategies of the political parties within the UK and the US. Additionally, we compare and contrast certain aspects of the marketing frameworks that have been identified with the parties, analysing whether the use of the frameworks are inherently present with regard to their electioneering and campaigning strategies. Political marketing has come to be an increasingly exciting and integrated phenomenon that the majority of significant public figures and political employees are vividly aware of. It holds the potential to transform politics as we know it, and exert a tremendous influence on the way everyones life is run, but we will only ever reach a greater understanding of the existing and potential consequences of political marketing if we acknowledge and accept the breadth and nature of the phenomenon. The reason why marketing can be attached to politics is that in essence they share some common tenets: the aim to understand how political organisations act in relation to their market and vice versa. Furthermore, marketing, being somewhat more prescriptive, provides tools and ideas about how organisations could behave in relation to their market in order to set aims and objectives, so that at the end they can achieve their goals. It can help an organisation understand the demands of its market. T he idea of a political system that meets peoples needs and demands links back to traditional politics: Jones and Moran (1994, 17) argue that British democracy means that the people can decide the government and exercise influence over the decisions governments take. Political marketing is simply a way of doing this in the 21st century with a critical, well informed and consumerist mass franchise. The evidence suggests that major British parties are not just applying the techniques of marketing, but its concepts. They appear to be determining their policies to match voters concerns (using findings from survey research and focus groups) rather than basing them on ideological considerations. Therefore, they are attempting to become what is known in business terms as ‘market oriented and designing their ‘product to suit consumer demands. This would imply a new role for political parties, one at odds with the traditional role assumed by the standard literature. It may also cause potential problems for political parties in the long-term, as well as having significant normative implications for politics as a whole. This paper therefore explores the full potential of political marketing on a theoretical level integrating management, marketing and political science literature to find out how British political parties and the US political parties have used marketing and become market-oriented. It will examine the extent to which the ‘New Labour Party in 1997 exhibited behaviour in line with this model and comparing this with the Conservatives in 1979. We would also consider its use in the US by the Republican and Democratic political party and how it has affected the political landscape. It will be seen how the Conservative party used marketing to inform policy design, a model which ‘New Labour followed but to a greater extent, using results from market intelligence to push for changes to the role of the memberships and further centralisation of power to ensure a clear organisational structure within the party. In more recent times, the endorsement of George W. Bush (jnr), by the Repub lican Party in the US and how the product, i.e. his behaviour over the election period leading up to his election win was galvanised through political marketing. It is hoped that this paper will highlight how the implications of political marketing are much wider than at first sort. Marketing is a form of management or method used primarily by business organisations. It has evolved to include the design and promotion of a product to ensure that the goals of the organisation, the prime one being to make profit in the case of a business, are met. It is not just about selling, or in this case campaigning. As Levitt (1960: 50) argues, that the difference between marketing and selling is more than dynamic. Selling focuses on the needs of the seller, marketing focuses on the need of the buyer. The current marketing philosophy focuses on how firms can satisfy customers wants, and adopt what is called a market-oriented approach as this is deemed the most effective way to meet the firms goals Drucker (1954:37). Cannon (1996:6) found that with business organisations the idea that firms exist, first and foremost, to satisfy customers needs has not been accommodated easily into the operations of many organisations. It is likely in this case, to be even more difficult with a political party, which is bound to consist of many ideas and attitudes to how the party as a whole should behave, not the least, different theories of the meaning of democracy and the role of the elites. Kotler and Andreasen (1987:505), suggest that everything about an organisation, which includes, its products, employees facilities, and actions, all communicate something to the general public. Not only the nature of the leader, but also the behaviour and rights of the partys members could be influential in attracting or repelling voters. As Shaw (1994:175) puts it, the British Labour party failed to win the 1992 general election because (amongst other factors), despite changes in policy, the then leader of the party, lacked the time and support to transform the party itself, a fatal weakness, since the character and behaviour of its activists at the time, its ethos, language and rituals, and most importantly, its close association with the trade unions, all alienated the electorate. A party with the wrong approach to gain the attention of the voting electorate is more likely to fail. As Scullion and Dermody (2004:361), argues that the campaigns employed by the political parties were being accused of failing to engage a disinterested young electorate. In their comparison of New Labour (UK) and New Democrats (US), Ingram and Lees-Marshment (2002:5), state that systemic differences between the countries, the UK and US, substantially condition the scope, focus, and application of political marketing and although American campaigns maybe the breeding ground for technological innovation and birth of political marketing, there is more potential for the use of political marketing in Britain, due to the more centralised nature of political parties and campaigns and to the component delivery of the marketing model. This article found that Labours approach was far broader in scope, influencing aspects of its policies, personnel, internal organisation, and leadership behaviour. One should also understand that the use of marketing as a tool for political gains is not a new thing. Eisenhowers use of direct male in the early 50s in the US, and in the UK, Margaret Thatchers use of the Saatchi and Saatchi advertising agency (Scammell, 1994:23). H owever, there has been an increasing use of marketing methods in political campaigns over the latter part of the twentieth century (Smith and Saunders (1990: 295), Wring (1997:1131). To date the dominant paradigm has been to adapt consumer goods marketing ideas and frameworks (Baines and Egan, 2001:1), especially the marketing mix concept (Niffenegger, 1989:45). Other frameworks might provide a more fruitful basis for analysis. The broadening theory of marketing was based upon the notion that marketing ideas and techniques could be utilised whenever value is exchanged between two parties, e.g. charities, churches, and political parties, (Kotler and Levy, 1969:10). It was argued later that differences of form and content (Lock and Harris, 1996: 21), and structure and process (Butler and Collins, 1999:55) existed, and that value exchange was not so straightforward. Baines, Harris, and Newman (1999:1) additionally state that this commercial and political difference, when suggesting tha t political campaigns usually operate with shorter, more intense promotional campaigns, in oligopolistic markets, with polarised levels of voter loyalty, and differing potential for the degree of marketing orientation in different countries. It can be argued here that structural changes in the political landscape had an impact on the perceived need for adoption of marketing techniques. Voters are perceived to be less involved and less loyal than in the past (Ware, 1995: 6). This may partly be due to voter apathy, which is a growing trend in most western democracies. There are a number of factors that are central to the need for marketing in campaigns. They are lack of actual or perceived product differentiation; increasing numbers and frequency of electoral contests and referendum held, or simply because voters have more compelling distractions stimulated by increased wealth and leisure time. To cast ones vote was and is seen as less of a duty than was largely the case in the past. This is why marketing has evolved to be used as a way of demand intervention. Marketing and political campaigning or vice-versa can be deemed as inseparable, because of its strategic importance to the outcome of any election. Such is the perceived value of marketing that no political party and few individual candidates would challenge the role marketing plays in the modern campaign and electoral process. With all this in mind, this paper moves on to explore the full potential of political marketing on a theoretical level identifying the literature that a political party might use marketing and become market-orientated. It will examine the extent to which the Labour party in 1997, exhibited behaviour in line with this model and comparing this with the Conservative party in 1979. Additionally, the Republican party of the US would also be mentioned and examined with regard to correlations or differences between the use of this model, in the UK and the US between the political parties. Therefore the remainder of this paper is set as follow: Chapter 3: Theoretical concepts of Political Marketing Chapter 4: Labour Party use of political marketing, 1997-2001 Chapter 5: Conservative Party use of political marketing, 1997-2001 Chapter 6: The use of political marketing in the US in comparison to the UK Chapter 7: Summary and Conclusion References and Bibliography. Political parties use political marketing to determine their policies, organisation, communication and, ultimately, potential delivery in government. Political parties were traditionally perceived as bastions of ideology, dogma, idealism and rhetoric. In the twenty-first century, however, most if not all-political parties in the UK of varying ideologies, histories, sizes and fortunes are aware of political marketing. The extent to which they choose to use it, the form they adopt, and their success at adopting a market orientation may vary, but all understand the pressure from the political market to satisfy the general populace. Depending on their nature, political parties can use marketing in various ways. Parties differ in their size and goals. Major parties are large, established organisations whose dominant goal is to win control of government, therefore to win a general (or devolved) election. The Conservative and Labour parties in the UK are major parties and so try to use political marketing to win an election. Their market consists of the electorate, in addition to anyone else who has influence on voters, although the parties do not need to win support from everyone to gain power. Their product includes all aspects of their behaviour. Although a major party generally asks political consumers to vote for it on the basis of what it promises to do in government, its policy promises or party manifesto which it lays out to the general electorate, voters also take into account other aspects of party behaviour such as leadership, party unity, organisation, and the behaviour of members, because these may aff ect the ability of the party to deliver on policy promises. The current marketing philosophy focuses on how firms satisfy customers, and adopt what is called a market-orientation as this is deemed as the most effective way to meet the firms goals (Drucker, 1954:37). It can be argued here that if a political party implements the marketing philosophy, it will seek to meet voters needs and wants, thus producing voter satisfaction, and in doing so gain electoral support to meet its own goals. Orientation is a concept that the major parties should adopt, which is based on an attitude towards how they behave in relation to the electorate. There are three main political marketing orientations (Lees-Marshment 2001:692). Market-oriented parties (MOPs) design their product, including policies, leadership and organisation, to suit what political consumers demand, in order to achieve their goal of winning a general election. This does not mean they simply follow what everyone wants to them to do, because this would be impossible anyway, because demands are complex and competing. Instead they need to go through a complex process of stages. This is shown in Box 3.1. Box 3.1 The Process for a Market-Oriented Party Stage 1: Market intelligence Party finds out what voters need and want by: †¢ Keeping an ear to the ground, talking to activists, meeting the public; †¢ Using quantitative research (electoral results, public opinion polls and privately commissioned studies) and qualitative research such as a focus group. Stage 2: Product design Party designs behaviour (including leadership, members, policies, staff, constitution and symbols) according to voters demands. Stage 3: Product adjustment Party designs product to suit the electorate at large and then needs to make sure it considers other factors: †¢ Achievability, determine whether the product design is achievable; †¢ Internal reaction analysis, to alter design to ensure it will obtain the support of enough MPs and members to ensure its implementation; †¢ Competition analysis, this is to promote opposition weaknesses and highlight own strengths; †¢ Support analysis, this is with the view of focusing on winning the support of voters, it does not have, but needs to win. Stage 4: Implementation   The findings from stages 1 – 3, must be implemented. The majority must accept the new behaviour broadly. This requires effective and considerate organisation and management. Stage5: Communication This includes the so-called near-term or long-term campaign, but also ongoing behaviour. The party ensures that communication helps it achieve electoral success; attempts to influence others in the communication process, such as journalist and opposition parties; and uses selling techniques such as direct mail and targeted communications Stage 6: Campaign This can be said to be the final chance for the political party to communicate with the voters. Stage 7: Election The party goes through the election. Stage 8: Delivery The party carries out promises made once in government. Box 3.2 The process for a Product-Oriented Party Stage 1: Product design The party designs its behaviour according to what it thinks best represents them. Stage 2: Communication This includes the so=called near-term or long-term campaign but also ongoing behaviour. Not just the leader, but all MPs and members, send a message to the electorate. The organisation is clear and effective; it is designed to advance arguments. Stage 3: Campaign The official election campaign period starts leading up to the election. 4: Election The general election takes place. Stage 5: Delivery on promises made during election as stated on the partys election manifesto The party will deliver its product in government. Box 3.3 The Process for Sales – Oriented Party Stage 1: Product design The party designs its behaviour according to what it thinks best. Stage 2: Market Intelligence The party aims to discover voters response to the product, especially voters who do not support the party but might, so that communications can be targeted on them. Informally, it keeps an ear to the ground, talks to party members, creates policy groups and meets with the public. Formally, it uses quantitative research (electoral results, public opinion polls and privately commissioned studies) and qualitative research such as a focus group. Stage 3: Communication This includes the so-called near-term or long-term campaign but also ongoing behaviour. Not just the leader, but all MPs and members send a message to the electorate. Attempts are made to ensure all communication helps achieve electoral success, and to influence others in the communication process. The organisation is clear and effective designed to advance arguments. It also makes use of selling techniques such as direct mail and targeted communications to persuade voters to agree with the party. Stage 4: Campaign   The official election campaign period kicks in up until election. The party continues to communicate effectively as in stage 3.   Stage 5: Election The general election. Stage 6: Delivery The party will deliver its promised product in government. Other parties with different goals may not choose to use political marketing in this way i.e. Box 3.1. However, if the dominant goal of a party is to advance a particular policy, rather than win an election, it maybe more product oriented. Product – Oriented parties (POPs) decide their behaviour or product themselves without much care for the opinions of political consumers, or rather, they assume that voters will realise that it is right and vote for it accordingly. Their process is quite simple: see Box 3.2. A product – oriented party refuses to change its ideas or product even if it fails to gain electoral or membership support. If a party is a small or minor party, with the main goal being not to win a general election but to put ideas on the agenda, this may be the most appropriate political marketing orientation. However, most partys overtime, grow to be concerned about their performance. They may then move to a sales orientation position, retaining the same product or behaviour, but using political marketing communication techniques, see Box 3.3. Market intelligence is used not to inform the product design, but to help the party persuade voters it is right and has sound electoral policies. Sales-oriented parties are often perceived as the more manipulative, because they use marketing to persuade or change public opinion. Current research indicates that the trend in the UK, at least amongst the major political parties, is towards the market-oriented approach (Lees-Marshment 2001). The trend is to evolve from product through to sales and then finally a market orientation, responding to the gradual rise of the political consumer. Major partys can however, win power using a market-orientation and then switch back to a sales or product once in power. Political parties often find it harder to rema in in touch with the public and responsive to the demands of political consumers once they are in government. Other small UK parties tend to adopt any one of the three orientations. Parties such as the Scottish National Party have moved through the classic product-sales-market –oriented cycle. The use of marketing by political parties is not as easy as the theory suggests. The latest research in political party marketing suggests that despite the desire of both the Conservative and Labour parties to adopt and maintain a market orientation, many obstacles get in the way. This will be fully explained in the following chapters. The Labour party has been one of political marketings success stories of the new century, at least on the surface. Using political marketing to become more in touch with the public, reduce any unwanted historical baggage, and even relabelled itself as ‘New Labour, it first became market oriented in order to win the previous election in 1997. It remains the fullest example of a market-oriented party, following the model to the greatest degree of any party ever seen. However, after obtaining the mandate of power from the UK electorate, the party met many obstacles to delivering on its 1997election promises. This is a major potential weakness: Labour support is very much based on promised outputs, so it needs to be seen to deliver. It is in the context that Labour attempted to maintain a market orientation and retain its electoral support during 1997 – 2001. Table 4.1 The Labour government and Delivery, February 2000 ‘There is a lot of talk at the moment about whether the present government is or is not ‘delivering. From what you know, do you think that it is or is not delivering on each of the following? Source: Gallup Political Index Delivery in government on the 1997 election promises Delivering the political product as stated previously is not an easy task. It is one of unanswered potential conundrums at the heart of political marketing (Laing and Lees-Marshment, 2002:19). The Labour party understood this. The party talked constantly about the need to deliver. It copied business and started to issue an annual report on its delivery of its promises (Labour Party 1999: 3-7, 2000). Labour undoubtly succeeded in some areas, such as constitutional reform, with the introduction of devolution in Scotland and Wales and the removal of hereditary peers from the House of Lords. However, Labour failed to convince many voters that it had made real improvement to standards in the public services, which is the core part of the 1997 product. Public resentment about Labours failures to deliver grew, Table 4.1, gives you the evidence. There was also dissatisfaction with the Labour party. A report from the Labour party itself based on its private polls leaked in the independent warning that the partys huge lead in the opinion polls masks the fact that people are turning against the Government because they believe it is failing to deliver its 1997 general election party manifesto. In July 2000 a MORI survey indicated that 57% of respondents did not think the leader of the Labour Party had kept the parties election promises. See the following table: Table 4.2 Perceived performance of the prime minister, July 2000 Since becoming prime minister in May 1997, do you think, Tony Blair has or has not delivered election promises made in the partys election manifesto? Source: MORI telephone survey 20-22, July 2000 Labour therefore still needed to utilise political marketing, but this time to maintain rather than win support. Stage 1: Market Intelligence The Labour party conducted substantial market intelligence. Philip Gould conducted focus group work for the party; Greg Crook ran a rolling programme of opinion polling (Cook, 2002:87); the partys advertising agency, TVWA London, also conducted research (Lawther, 2002:1). Labour also analysed results of elections to local authorities, the devolved institutions, the European parliament and parliamentary by-elections (Cook, 2002:88). It took account of negative criticism despite the overall positive polls and continued to monitor the performance of the opposition. During 1997 – 2001 Labour continually discussed voters needs. Stage 2: Product design The New Labour product offered to the electorate in 2001 was extremely similar to that offered in 1997, with greater determination to deliver in the second term. Policy: In terms of policy, the focus remained on raising standards in the public services, such as health and education. The party retained its commitment to low income tax and competent economic management. There were slight changes in terms of greater investment in public services in order to improve them, but such moves were made without a call o increase tax. Stephen Lawther, polling coordinator for the Scottish Labour Party, argued that Labour put forward a strong product: †¢ Minimum wage; †¢ 1 million new jobs; †¢ Lowest unemployment in 25 years; †¢ Lowest inflation in 30 years; †¢ Winter fuel allowance;   Ã¢â‚¬ ¢ Record investment in schools in hospitals; †¢ Small class sizes; †¢ A nursery place for every 4 year old; †¢ 10,000 more nurses in the NHS; †¢ Working families tax credit reduction; †¢ Scottish parliament (devolution), (Lawther, 2002). Leadership: As leader, the prime minister continued to exercise strong and determined control over his party and the senior leadership and cabinet in particular. The prime minister enjoyed extremely high popularity scores in public opinion polls until the end of the 1997-2002 periods, when he began to attract criticism for being smarmy, arrogant and out of touch with the national electorate. In June 2000, the prime minister was even slow-hand-clapped by the Womens Institute. Internal membership: Changes were made within the party with the aim of making members more involved (Seyd 1999:390-391). Members-only sessions were introduced at the annual party conference, to ensure members had a chance to air their views without damaging the party externally. Partnership in power, a series of proposals to change certain organisational structures within the party, devolved policy-making to the National Policy Forum to provide greater consultation with the membership. Nevertheless, party membership slumped from 420,000 after 1997 election to just 320,000 by mid-1999. Many of those who remained were de-energised (Seyd and Whiteley, 1999). This reflects the limited application of marketing to the membership, (Lees-Marshment, 2001a). The foundations of Labours support have been eroded, making it even more crucial that the party satisfy voters through delivery on public services. Party Unity: The leadership exerted significant control over the partys participation within the new devolved institutions in the selection of the leadership candidate for the Welsh assembly, which aroused significant discontent among Labour party activists. Another case was the election for the London mayor. After failing to be selected as the Labour candidate, an old left-winger, Ken Livingston, stood as an independent after calls from the public to do so, and won. This was an indication of the discontent at the grassroots of the Labour party: an issue that Labour continues to struggle with, due to its use of political marketing. Stage 3: Product Adjustment Achievability: Learning in government that delivering on the 1997 pledges, particularly those about the quality of public services, was extremely difficult, the party made promises for the next term of office in terms of inputs rather than outputs, such as ‘x number of nurses or police rather than reduce waiting list or lower levels of crime. Inputs are easier to deliver because they are easier to control (Lees-Marshment and Laing, 2002:20). The 2001 pledges were: †¢ Mortgages to be as low as possible, low inflation and sound public finances; †¢ 10,000 extra teachers and higher standards in secondary schools; †¢ 20,000 extra nurses and 10,000 extra doctors in a reformed NHS; †¢ 6,000 extra recruits to raise police numbers to their highest ever level; †¢ Pensioners winter fuel payment retained, minimum wage rising to  £4.20, and most recently to  £5.25 an hour. Internal reaction analysis: The decline in membership that Labour experienced after 1997 suggests failure of internal reaction analysis. The new system of policy-making was criticised for restricting the opportunity for debate at conference and ignoring the work of policy forums (Seyd, 2002:95). The selection processes used for the Scottish parliament, Welsh assembly and London mayor also indicated a lack of internal reaction analysis and generated further discontent. Competition analysis: Labour engaged in a significant competition analysis in terms of its planning for the campaign. It was keen that voters would see the election as a choice between the parties rather than a referendum on Labours mixed record of delivery (Gould, 2002:57, Lawther, 2002:1). Posters reassured voters about the party, saying, ‘Thanks for voting Labour, but also reminding them of potential problems the Conservatives might bring, with posters headed ‘Economic Disaster II). Support analysis: Labour analysed voters who were former Conservatives that had defected to the party in 1997, and found that this group would stay with the party. Attention then shifted to mobilising people to vote, as the party feared it could lose support due to a low turnout. Labour played on the emotion of fear at a prospective Tory victory, commissioning the famous ‘wiggy poster of the then leader of the Conservative party, warning ‘Get out and vote or they get in. It tried to put forward the vision that the work goes on and voters needed to give the party more time. Stage 4: Implementation The leader of the Labour party insisted on strict party unity: i.e. all ministers had to agree any interaction with the media and the press office of the Labour party, to ensure unified communication from government. The partys leader had a few difficulties passing legislation. And ambitious MPs knew they had to keep in line with the leadership if they wished to advance their careers. Blair (the leader of the Labour Party) followed the market-oriented party model to fine detail, promoting those who followed the product design and sidelining those who voiced dissent. Nevertheless Labour was criticised for being too ‘Control Conscious. Stage 5: Communication Labour continued to control communication from the party and also central government. The Government Information Service was used to communicate the governments message and delivery (Scammell, 2001). Government spending on advertising increased massively in the four years between 1997 and 2001 (Grice, 2001). Party communication was also focused on delivery: party political broad casts during the elections to the European parliament, for example, focused on the governments achievements, rather than European issues. Communication did not succeed in convincing voters that the government had delivered as initially thought. Stage 6: Campaign The character of the partys product and its delivery performance in office determined Labours campaign. It focused on the need to deliver, asking for more time to do its job. Labour used target marketing and campaigned most heavily in marginal seats where it was assumed that its efforts would have the greatest effect (Cook, 2002:87). In Scotland Labour sent out targeted direct mail in the form of a letter from both the leader of the party and the deputy leader to segments of the market such as Scottish National Party (SNP) floaters, and Labour also ran health rallies and a pledge day to reinforce key themes. The campaign was closely co-ordinated from the partys Millbank headquarters, with an integrated marketing communications structure. Responding to market intelligence, significant effort went into getting the vote out, through ‘Operation Turnout. This assessed the party identification and voting history of electors in target seats and sent a direct marketing message to them to get them to vote (Lawther, 2002). Nevertheless, the underlying public dissatisfaction with public services was brought to the fore when Blair was accosted by the partner of a patient complaining about the poor standards of care in the NHS in a di Marketing Strategies of UK Political Parties Marketing Strategies of UK Political Parties In this paper we examine the use of political marketing in the United Kingdom and the United States of America. It focuses on the hypothetical theoretical aspects of marketing frameworks, which are identified and applying these frameworks to the marketing strategies of the political parties within the UK and the US. Additionally, we compare and contrast certain aspects of the marketing frameworks that have been identified with the parties, analysing whether the use of the frameworks are inherently present with regard to their electioneering and campaigning strategies. Political marketing has come to be an increasingly exciting and integrated phenomenon that the majority of significant public figures and political employees are vividly aware of. It holds the potential to transform politics as we know it, and exert a tremendous influence on the way everyones life is run, but we will only ever reach a greater understanding of the existing and potential consequences of political marketing if we acknowledge and accept the breadth and nature of the phenomenon. The reason why marketing can be attached to politics is that in essence they share some common tenets: the aim to understand how political organisations act in relation to their market and vice versa. Furthermore, marketing, being somewhat more prescriptive, provides tools and ideas about how organisations could behave in relation to their market in order to set aims and objectives, so that at the end they can achieve their goals. It can help an organisation understand the demands of its market. T he idea of a political system that meets peoples needs and demands links back to traditional politics: Jones and Moran (1994, 17) argue that British democracy means that the people can decide the government and exercise influence over the decisions governments take. Political marketing is simply a way of doing this in the 21st century with a critical, well informed and consumerist mass franchise. The evidence suggests that major British parties are not just applying the techniques of marketing, but its concepts. They appear to be determining their policies to match voters concerns (using findings from survey research and focus groups) rather than basing them on ideological considerations. Therefore, they are attempting to become what is known in business terms as ‘market oriented and designing their ‘product to suit consumer demands. This would imply a new role for political parties, one at odds with the traditional role assumed by the standard literature. It may also cause potential problems for political parties in the long-term, as well as having significant normative implications for politics as a whole. This paper therefore explores the full potential of political marketing on a theoretical level integrating management, marketing and political science literature to find out how British political parties and the US political parties have used marketing and become market-oriented. It will examine the extent to which the ‘New Labour Party in 1997 exhibited behaviour in line with this model and comparing this with the Conservatives in 1979. We would also consider its use in the US by the Republican and Democratic political party and how it has affected the political landscape. It will be seen how the Conservative party used marketing to inform policy design, a model which ‘New Labour followed but to a greater extent, using results from market intelligence to push for changes to the role of the memberships and further centralisation of power to ensure a clear organisational structure within the party. In more recent times, the endorsement of George W. Bush (jnr), by the Repub lican Party in the US and how the product, i.e. his behaviour over the election period leading up to his election win was galvanised through political marketing. It is hoped that this paper will highlight how the implications of political marketing are much wider than at first sort. Marketing is a form of management or method used primarily by business organisations. It has evolved to include the design and promotion of a product to ensure that the goals of the organisation, the prime one being to make profit in the case of a business, are met. It is not just about selling, or in this case campaigning. As Levitt (1960: 50) argues, that the difference between marketing and selling is more than dynamic. Selling focuses on the needs of the seller, marketing focuses on the need of the buyer. The current marketing philosophy focuses on how firms can satisfy customers wants, and adopt what is called a market-oriented approach as this is deemed the most effective way to meet the firms goals Drucker (1954:37). Cannon (1996:6) found that with business organisations the idea that firms exist, first and foremost, to satisfy customers needs has not been accommodated easily into the operations of many organisations. It is likely in this case, to be even more difficult with a political party, which is bound to consist of many ideas and attitudes to how the party as a whole should behave, not the least, different theories of the meaning of democracy and the role of the elites. Kotler and Andreasen (1987:505), suggest that everything about an organisation, which includes, its products, employees facilities, and actions, all communicate something to the general public. Not only the nature of the leader, but also the behaviour and rights of the partys members could be influential in attracting or repelling voters. As Shaw (1994:175) puts it, the British Labour party failed to win the 1992 general election because (amongst other factors), despite changes in policy, the then leader of the party, lacked the time and support to transform the party itself, a fatal weakness, since the character and behaviour of its activists at the time, its ethos, language and rituals, and most importantly, its close association with the trade unions, all alienated the electorate. A party with the wrong approach to gain the attention of the voting electorate is more likely to fail. As Scullion and Dermody (2004:361), argues that the campaigns employed by the political parties were being accused of failing to engage a disinterested young electorate. In their comparison of New Labour (UK) and New Democrats (US), Ingram and Lees-Marshment (2002:5), state that systemic differences between the countries, the UK and US, substantially condition the scope, focus, and application of political marketing and although American campaigns maybe the breeding ground for technological innovation and birth of political marketing, there is more potential for the use of political marketing in Britain, due to the more centralised nature of political parties and campaigns and to the component delivery of the marketing model. This article found that Labours approach was far broader in scope, influencing aspects of its policies, personnel, internal organisation, and leadership behaviour. One should also understand that the use of marketing as a tool for political gains is not a new thing. Eisenhowers use of direct male in the early 50s in the US, and in the UK, Margaret Thatchers use of the Saatchi and Saatchi advertising agency (Scammell, 1994:23). H owever, there has been an increasing use of marketing methods in political campaigns over the latter part of the twentieth century (Smith and Saunders (1990: 295), Wring (1997:1131). To date the dominant paradigm has been to adapt consumer goods marketing ideas and frameworks (Baines and Egan, 2001:1), especially the marketing mix concept (Niffenegger, 1989:45). Other frameworks might provide a more fruitful basis for analysis. The broadening theory of marketing was based upon the notion that marketing ideas and techniques could be utilised whenever value is exchanged between two parties, e.g. charities, churches, and political parties, (Kotler and Levy, 1969:10). It was argued later that differences of form and content (Lock and Harris, 1996: 21), and structure and process (Butler and Collins, 1999:55) existed, and that value exchange was not so straightforward. Baines, Harris, and Newman (1999:1) additionally state that this commercial and political difference, when suggesting tha t political campaigns usually operate with shorter, more intense promotional campaigns, in oligopolistic markets, with polarised levels of voter loyalty, and differing potential for the degree of marketing orientation in different countries. It can be argued here that structural changes in the political landscape had an impact on the perceived need for adoption of marketing techniques. Voters are perceived to be less involved and less loyal than in the past (Ware, 1995: 6). This may partly be due to voter apathy, which is a growing trend in most western democracies. There are a number of factors that are central to the need for marketing in campaigns. They are lack of actual or perceived product differentiation; increasing numbers and frequency of electoral contests and referendum held, or simply because voters have more compelling distractions stimulated by increased wealth and leisure time. To cast ones vote was and is seen as less of a duty than was largely the case in the past. This is why marketing has evolved to be used as a way of demand intervention. Marketing and political campaigning or vice-versa can be deemed as inseparable, because of its strategic importance to the outcome of any election. Such is the perceived value of marketing that no political party and few individual candidates would challenge the role marketing plays in the modern campaign and electoral process. With all this in mind, this paper moves on to explore the full potential of political marketing on a theoretical level identifying the literature that a political party might use marketing and become market-orientated. It will examine the extent to which the Labour party in 1997, exhibited behaviour in line with this model and comparing this with the Conservative party in 1979. Additionally, the Republican party of the US would also be mentioned and examined with regard to correlations or differences between the use of this model, in the UK and the US between the political parties. Therefore the remainder of this paper is set as follow: Chapter 3: Theoretical concepts of Political Marketing Chapter 4: Labour Party use of political marketing, 1997-2001 Chapter 5: Conservative Party use of political marketing, 1997-2001 Chapter 6: The use of political marketing in the US in comparison to the UK Chapter 7: Summary and Conclusion References and Bibliography. Political parties use political marketing to determine their policies, organisation, communication and, ultimately, potential delivery in government. Political parties were traditionally perceived as bastions of ideology, dogma, idealism and rhetoric. In the twenty-first century, however, most if not all-political parties in the UK of varying ideologies, histories, sizes and fortunes are aware of political marketing. The extent to which they choose to use it, the form they adopt, and their success at adopting a market orientation may vary, but all understand the pressure from the political market to satisfy the general populace. Depending on their nature, political parties can use marketing in various ways. Parties differ in their size and goals. Major parties are large, established organisations whose dominant goal is to win control of government, therefore to win a general (or devolved) election. The Conservative and Labour parties in the UK are major parties and so try to use political marketing to win an election. Their market consists of the electorate, in addition to anyone else who has influence on voters, although the parties do not need to win support from everyone to gain power. Their product includes all aspects of their behaviour. Although a major party generally asks political consumers to vote for it on the basis of what it promises to do in government, its policy promises or party manifesto which it lays out to the general electorate, voters also take into account other aspects of party behaviour such as leadership, party unity, organisation, and the behaviour of members, because these may aff ect the ability of the party to deliver on policy promises. The current marketing philosophy focuses on how firms satisfy customers, and adopt what is called a market-orientation as this is deemed as the most effective way to meet the firms goals (Drucker, 1954:37). It can be argued here that if a political party implements the marketing philosophy, it will seek to meet voters needs and wants, thus producing voter satisfaction, and in doing so gain electoral support to meet its own goals. Orientation is a concept that the major parties should adopt, which is based on an attitude towards how they behave in relation to the electorate. There are three main political marketing orientations (Lees-Marshment 2001:692). Market-oriented parties (MOPs) design their product, including policies, leadership and organisation, to suit what political consumers demand, in order to achieve their goal of winning a general election. This does not mean they simply follow what everyone wants to them to do, because this would be impossible anyway, because demands are complex and competing. Instead they need to go through a complex process of stages. This is shown in Box 3.1. Box 3.1 The Process for a Market-Oriented Party Stage 1: Market intelligence Party finds out what voters need and want by: †¢ Keeping an ear to the ground, talking to activists, meeting the public; †¢ Using quantitative research (electoral results, public opinion polls and privately commissioned studies) and qualitative research such as a focus group. Stage 2: Product design Party designs behaviour (including leadership, members, policies, staff, constitution and symbols) according to voters demands. Stage 3: Product adjustment Party designs product to suit the electorate at large and then needs to make sure it considers other factors: †¢ Achievability, determine whether the product design is achievable; †¢ Internal reaction analysis, to alter design to ensure it will obtain the support of enough MPs and members to ensure its implementation; †¢ Competition analysis, this is to promote opposition weaknesses and highlight own strengths; †¢ Support analysis, this is with the view of focusing on winning the support of voters, it does not have, but needs to win. Stage 4: Implementation   The findings from stages 1 – 3, must be implemented. The majority must accept the new behaviour broadly. This requires effective and considerate organisation and management. Stage5: Communication This includes the so-called near-term or long-term campaign, but also ongoing behaviour. The party ensures that communication helps it achieve electoral success; attempts to influence others in the communication process, such as journalist and opposition parties; and uses selling techniques such as direct mail and targeted communications Stage 6: Campaign This can be said to be the final chance for the political party to communicate with the voters. Stage 7: Election The party goes through the election. Stage 8: Delivery The party carries out promises made once in government. Box 3.2 The process for a Product-Oriented Party Stage 1: Product design The party designs its behaviour according to what it thinks best represents them. Stage 2: Communication This includes the so=called near-term or long-term campaign but also ongoing behaviour. Not just the leader, but all MPs and members, send a message to the electorate. The organisation is clear and effective; it is designed to advance arguments. Stage 3: Campaign The official election campaign period starts leading up to the election. 4: Election The general election takes place. Stage 5: Delivery on promises made during election as stated on the partys election manifesto The party will deliver its product in government. Box 3.3 The Process for Sales – Oriented Party Stage 1: Product design The party designs its behaviour according to what it thinks best. Stage 2: Market Intelligence The party aims to discover voters response to the product, especially voters who do not support the party but might, so that communications can be targeted on them. Informally, it keeps an ear to the ground, talks to party members, creates policy groups and meets with the public. Formally, it uses quantitative research (electoral results, public opinion polls and privately commissioned studies) and qualitative research such as a focus group. Stage 3: Communication This includes the so-called near-term or long-term campaign but also ongoing behaviour. Not just the leader, but all MPs and members send a message to the electorate. Attempts are made to ensure all communication helps achieve electoral success, and to influence others in the communication process. The organisation is clear and effective designed to advance arguments. It also makes use of selling techniques such as direct mail and targeted communications to persuade voters to agree with the party. Stage 4: Campaign   The official election campaign period kicks in up until election. The party continues to communicate effectively as in stage 3.   Stage 5: Election The general election. Stage 6: Delivery The party will deliver its promised product in government. Other parties with different goals may not choose to use political marketing in this way i.e. Box 3.1. However, if the dominant goal of a party is to advance a particular policy, rather than win an election, it maybe more product oriented. Product – Oriented parties (POPs) decide their behaviour or product themselves without much care for the opinions of political consumers, or rather, they assume that voters will realise that it is right and vote for it accordingly. Their process is quite simple: see Box 3.2. A product – oriented party refuses to change its ideas or product even if it fails to gain electoral or membership support. If a party is a small or minor party, with the main goal being not to win a general election but to put ideas on the agenda, this may be the most appropriate political marketing orientation. However, most partys overtime, grow to be concerned about their performance. They may then move to a sales orientation position, retaining the same product or behaviour, but using political marketing communication techniques, see Box 3.3. Market intelligence is used not to inform the product design, but to help the party persuade voters it is right and has sound electoral policies. Sales-oriented parties are often perceived as the more manipulative, because they use marketing to persuade or change public opinion. Current research indicates that the trend in the UK, at least amongst the major political parties, is towards the market-oriented approach (Lees-Marshment 2001). The trend is to evolve from product through to sales and then finally a market orientation, responding to the gradual rise of the political consumer. Major partys can however, win power using a market-orientation and then switch back to a sales or product once in power. Political parties often find it harder to rema in in touch with the public and responsive to the demands of political consumers once they are in government. Other small UK parties tend to adopt any one of the three orientations. Parties such as the Scottish National Party have moved through the classic product-sales-market –oriented cycle. The use of marketing by political parties is not as easy as the theory suggests. The latest research in political party marketing suggests that despite the desire of both the Conservative and Labour parties to adopt and maintain a market orientation, many obstacles get in the way. This will be fully explained in the following chapters. The Labour party has been one of political marketings success stories of the new century, at least on the surface. Using political marketing to become more in touch with the public, reduce any unwanted historical baggage, and even relabelled itself as ‘New Labour, it first became market oriented in order to win the previous election in 1997. It remains the fullest example of a market-oriented party, following the model to the greatest degree of any party ever seen. However, after obtaining the mandate of power from the UK electorate, the party met many obstacles to delivering on its 1997election promises. This is a major potential weakness: Labour support is very much based on promised outputs, so it needs to be seen to deliver. It is in the context that Labour attempted to maintain a market orientation and retain its electoral support during 1997 – 2001. Table 4.1 The Labour government and Delivery, February 2000 ‘There is a lot of talk at the moment about whether the present government is or is not ‘delivering. From what you know, do you think that it is or is not delivering on each of the following? Source: Gallup Political Index Delivery in government on the 1997 election promises Delivering the political product as stated previously is not an easy task. It is one of unanswered potential conundrums at the heart of political marketing (Laing and Lees-Marshment, 2002:19). The Labour party understood this. The party talked constantly about the need to deliver. It copied business and started to issue an annual report on its delivery of its promises (Labour Party 1999: 3-7, 2000). Labour undoubtly succeeded in some areas, such as constitutional reform, with the introduction of devolution in Scotland and Wales and the removal of hereditary peers from the House of Lords. However, Labour failed to convince many voters that it had made real improvement to standards in the public services, which is the core part of the 1997 product. Public resentment about Labours failures to deliver grew, Table 4.1, gives you the evidence. There was also dissatisfaction with the Labour party. A report from the Labour party itself based on its private polls leaked in the independent warning that the partys huge lead in the opinion polls masks the fact that people are turning against the Government because they believe it is failing to deliver its 1997 general election party manifesto. In July 2000 a MORI survey indicated that 57% of respondents did not think the leader of the Labour Party had kept the parties election promises. See the following table: Table 4.2 Perceived performance of the prime minister, July 2000 Since becoming prime minister in May 1997, do you think, Tony Blair has or has not delivered election promises made in the partys election manifesto? Source: MORI telephone survey 20-22, July 2000 Labour therefore still needed to utilise political marketing, but this time to maintain rather than win support. Stage 1: Market Intelligence The Labour party conducted substantial market intelligence. Philip Gould conducted focus group work for the party; Greg Crook ran a rolling programme of opinion polling (Cook, 2002:87); the partys advertising agency, TVWA London, also conducted research (Lawther, 2002:1). Labour also analysed results of elections to local authorities, the devolved institutions, the European parliament and parliamentary by-elections (Cook, 2002:88). It took account of negative criticism despite the overall positive polls and continued to monitor the performance of the opposition. During 1997 – 2001 Labour continually discussed voters needs. Stage 2: Product design The New Labour product offered to the electorate in 2001 was extremely similar to that offered in 1997, with greater determination to deliver in the second term. Policy: In terms of policy, the focus remained on raising standards in the public services, such as health and education. The party retained its commitment to low income tax and competent economic management. There were slight changes in terms of greater investment in public services in order to improve them, but such moves were made without a call o increase tax. Stephen Lawther, polling coordinator for the Scottish Labour Party, argued that Labour put forward a strong product: †¢ Minimum wage; †¢ 1 million new jobs; †¢ Lowest unemployment in 25 years; †¢ Lowest inflation in 30 years; †¢ Winter fuel allowance;   Ã¢â‚¬ ¢ Record investment in schools in hospitals; †¢ Small class sizes; †¢ A nursery place for every 4 year old; †¢ 10,000 more nurses in the NHS; †¢ Working families tax credit reduction; †¢ Scottish parliament (devolution), (Lawther, 2002). Leadership: As leader, the prime minister continued to exercise strong and determined control over his party and the senior leadership and cabinet in particular. The prime minister enjoyed extremely high popularity scores in public opinion polls until the end of the 1997-2002 periods, when he began to attract criticism for being smarmy, arrogant and out of touch with the national electorate. In June 2000, the prime minister was even slow-hand-clapped by the Womens Institute. Internal membership: Changes were made within the party with the aim of making members more involved (Seyd 1999:390-391). Members-only sessions were introduced at the annual party conference, to ensure members had a chance to air their views without damaging the party externally. Partnership in power, a series of proposals to change certain organisational structures within the party, devolved policy-making to the National Policy Forum to provide greater consultation with the membership. Nevertheless, party membership slumped from 420,000 after 1997 election to just 320,000 by mid-1999. Many of those who remained were de-energised (Seyd and Whiteley, 1999). This reflects the limited application of marketing to the membership, (Lees-Marshment, 2001a). The foundations of Labours support have been eroded, making it even more crucial that the party satisfy voters through delivery on public services. Party Unity: The leadership exerted significant control over the partys participation within the new devolved institutions in the selection of the leadership candidate for the Welsh assembly, which aroused significant discontent among Labour party activists. Another case was the election for the London mayor. After failing to be selected as the Labour candidate, an old left-winger, Ken Livingston, stood as an independent after calls from the public to do so, and won. This was an indication of the discontent at the grassroots of the Labour party: an issue that Labour continues to struggle with, due to its use of political marketing. Stage 3: Product Adjustment Achievability: Learning in government that delivering on the 1997 pledges, particularly those about the quality of public services, was extremely difficult, the party made promises for the next term of office in terms of inputs rather than outputs, such as ‘x number of nurses or police rather than reduce waiting list or lower levels of crime. Inputs are easier to deliver because they are easier to control (Lees-Marshment and Laing, 2002:20). The 2001 pledges were: †¢ Mortgages to be as low as possible, low inflation and sound public finances; †¢ 10,000 extra teachers and higher standards in secondary schools; †¢ 20,000 extra nurses and 10,000 extra doctors in a reformed NHS; †¢ 6,000 extra recruits to raise police numbers to their highest ever level; †¢ Pensioners winter fuel payment retained, minimum wage rising to  £4.20, and most recently to  £5.25 an hour. Internal reaction analysis: The decline in membership that Labour experienced after 1997 suggests failure of internal reaction analysis. The new system of policy-making was criticised for restricting the opportunity for debate at conference and ignoring the work of policy forums (Seyd, 2002:95). The selection processes used for the Scottish parliament, Welsh assembly and London mayor also indicated a lack of internal reaction analysis and generated further discontent. Competition analysis: Labour engaged in a significant competition analysis in terms of its planning for the campaign. It was keen that voters would see the election as a choice between the parties rather than a referendum on Labours mixed record of delivery (Gould, 2002:57, Lawther, 2002:1). Posters reassured voters about the party, saying, ‘Thanks for voting Labour, but also reminding them of potential problems the Conservatives might bring, with posters headed ‘Economic Disaster II). Support analysis: Labour analysed voters who were former Conservatives that had defected to the party in 1997, and found that this group would stay with the party. Attention then shifted to mobilising people to vote, as the party feared it could lose support due to a low turnout. Labour played on the emotion of fear at a prospective Tory victory, commissioning the famous ‘wiggy poster of the then leader of the Conservative party, warning ‘Get out and vote or they get in. It tried to put forward the vision that the work goes on and voters needed to give the party more time. Stage 4: Implementation The leader of the Labour party insisted on strict party unity: i.e. all ministers had to agree any interaction with the media and the press office of the Labour party, to ensure unified communication from government. The partys leader had a few difficulties passing legislation. And ambitious MPs knew they had to keep in line with the leadership if they wished to advance their careers. Blair (the leader of the Labour Party) followed the market-oriented party model to fine detail, promoting those who followed the product design and sidelining those who voiced dissent. Nevertheless Labour was criticised for being too ‘Control Conscious. Stage 5: Communication Labour continued to control communication from the party and also central government. The Government Information Service was used to communicate the governments message and delivery (Scammell, 2001). Government spending on advertising increased massively in the four years between 1997 and 2001 (Grice, 2001). Party communication was also focused on delivery: party political broad casts during the elections to the European parliament, for example, focused on the governments achievements, rather than European issues. Communication did not succeed in convincing voters that the government had delivered as initially thought. Stage 6: Campaign The character of the partys product and its delivery performance in office determined Labours campaign. It focused on the need to deliver, asking for more time to do its job. Labour used target marketing and campaigned most heavily in marginal seats where it was assumed that its efforts would have the greatest effect (Cook, 2002:87). In Scotland Labour sent out targeted direct mail in the form of a letter from both the leader of the party and the deputy leader to segments of the market such as Scottish National Party (SNP) floaters, and Labour also ran health rallies and a pledge day to reinforce key themes. The campaign was closely co-ordinated from the partys Millbank headquarters, with an integrated marketing communications structure. Responding to market intelligence, significant effort went into getting the vote out, through ‘Operation Turnout. This assessed the party identification and voting history of electors in target seats and sent a direct marketing message to them to get them to vote (Lawther, 2002). Nevertheless, the underlying public dissatisfaction with public services was brought to the fore when Blair was accosted by the partner of a patient complaining about the poor standards of care in the NHS in a di

Media Should Respect Privacy of Public Figures Essay -- Argumentative

The Media Should Respect Privacy of Public Figures    How much privacy of the individual is protected under the United States Constitution? Every one is entitled to the right of privacy, but to what extent is that privacy granted? Public figures are constantly being harassed and photographed by the media. Some photographers and reporters will go to any means, even illegal actions, to get a picture or story. However, public figures are human beings like everyone else, and the media should give them more privacy. The media needs to operate with more respect for both laws and for moral and ethical codes of conduct. There are laws establishing the privacy of an individual, and the media needs to extend these rights to public figures. Are public officials entitled to private lives? The answer, up until two generations ago was a clear yes (Knowlton, 51). President Franklin D. Roosevelt used a wheel chair or braces, but that disability was rarely mentioned and almost never photographed. Many previous presidents were unfaithful to their wives, but the media did not cover these affairs that were common knowledge to the press corps (Knowlton, 51). However, the extramarital affairs of President Clinton are being widely covered by the media. The ethical code of conduct has fallen apart, and the media has new views on the amount of privacy that should be extended to public figures. According to Steven Knowlton, author of Moral Reasoning for Journalists, "Celebrities of all sorts-musicians, athletes, entertainers, and others-make their living from the public and the public therefore in a sense employs them, just as it employs governors and presidents..."(54). Most journalists figure that celebrities voluntarily surrender their pr... ...ion in a home or other private place. Even though these are not currently illegal actions, the media should act as if they were. Like other people, public figures should be able to separate their job from their family and personal lives. When public figures are spending time with their families, they should not be harassed by the media; intrusions on the privacy of celebrities are intrusions on the privacy of everyone. Works Cited Claffey, Mike and Tumposky, Ellen. "Sadness, Anger Toward Photographers Follows Diana's Death. Witchita Eagle. 31 August 1997. Dill, Barbara. The Journalist's Handbook on Libel and Privacy. New York. 1986. Knowlton, Steven R. Moral Reasoning for Journalists. Connecticut. 1997. Smolla, Rodney A. Suing the Press. New York. 1986. Sunstein, Cass R. "Reinforce the Walls of Privacy." The New York Times. 6 September 1997.

Comparing the Intelligence of Women in Shelleys Frankenstein and Gould

Intelligence of Women in Shelley's Frankenstein and Gould's Women's Brains      Ã‚   Throughout history, women have always aimed for a recognized place in society. Centuries ago, people looked at the role of women in society as being sociologically inferior. Seeing the revival of the Feminist movement, which boldly opposes the stereotypical characteristics of women in society, on one hand, and promotes the elevation of women's status in society, on the other, one would not find it hard to believe the drastic differences in opinion of people on this issue. What is amazing is how these differences reflect upon scholarly works in science.      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   For example, in a play titled Frankenstein, based on a novel by Mary Shelley, Elizabeth Frankenstein is depicted as a woman of perfect and well-rounded personality in society. Taking into consideration that the novel was written in the 1817, when women were not even accepted as students in universities, as shown in the film, Mary Shelley presents Elizabeth Frankenstein both as a creative writer and a loving wife. Elizabeth   has deliberately symbolized Shelley's expectations of an independent woman. She is represented as intelligent, a creative writer, just like Mary Shelley herself, and a loving, caring and supporting wife. Also, in the novel, Elizabeth is portrayed as the type of woman, who always wants to strike a balance between work and family life. That is why, in her letters to Victor Frankenstein, she always reminds him to keep in touch with his family and write back to her. Mary Shelley's plot of portraying Elizabeth as a successful writer as shown in the film, a profession, then rather unusual for a woman and almost entirely dominated by males, suggest... ...e recognition, which Mary Shelley had always longed for in the nineteenth century.       Works Cited    Frankenstein by Mary Shelley. A play by Nick DiMartino, Direct. Moses Goldberg. Narr. Professor McNamar. Global Stage Production. WLIW21 Presentation. Class Movie.   HSS 100-022. Spring Semester, February 18, 2002. Gould, Stephen J. "Women's Brains." Fields of Reading. 6th ed. Ed. Nancy R. Comley et al. New York: St. Martin's, 2001. India, Sehat. "Women Are Biologically Superior to Men, Say Doctors." http://www.sehatindia.com/NEWS3.HTM Martin, Emily. "The Egg and the Sperm." Fields of Reading. 6th ed. Ed. Nancy R. Comley et al. New York: St. Martin's, 2001. Shelley, Mary.   "From   Frankenstein."   The Example of Science.   Ed. Robert E Lynch and Thomas B. Swanzey.   New York: Pearson Publishing, 2000.   152-156. Sohail 2   

Education a Continous Process

Baxter and Tight (1994) noted in their research that in many countries, people are being encouraged to be â€Å"lifelong learners,† people who return to school again and again throughout their lives, rather than looking at education as something that ends with graduation from high school or college (Baxter & Tight, 1994). The â€Å"Lifelong Learning† movement believes that education should be an important part of people's lives throughout their lives instead of restricting it to childhood and adolescence. The authors interviewed people who had returned to education later in life to see what factors supported or interfered with that choice. One of the observations they made was that for many older students, especially women, returning to school represented a real juggling act with their time management. This trend was so strong that a significant number of people asked to participate felt that they could not spare the hour the interview would take. This trend of women being stressed for time to do everything they and others expected of them was so strong that they mentioned that perhaps the idea of people attending school throughout their lives might be a male view because often men do not have to juggle as many important tasks as women. The women who were interviewed noted that they had family, personal and work commitments, all of which had to come before school, with the result that when they attended classes, often there was no room in their lives for any social activities connected to their academic work (Baxter & Tight, 1994). However, Palwak (1999) points out that in an age of rapidly changing technology, it may be necessary to include education in one's career plans to the worker does not become stuck with archaic skills. The difficulty in juggling time is also demonstrated in discussions on this topic by the fact that so many articles focus on retirees who return to learning because they finally have the time to study things that have interested them for many years. Education a Continous Process Baxter and Tight (1994) noted in their research that in many countries, people are being encouraged to be â€Å"lifelong learners,† people who return to school again and again throughout their lives, rather than looking at education as something that ends with graduation from high school or college (Baxter & Tight, 1994). The â€Å"Lifelong Learning† movement believes that education should be an important part of people's lives throughout their lives instead of restricting it to childhood and adolescence. The authors interviewed people who had returned to education later in life to see what factors supported or interfered with that choice. One of the observations they made was that for many older students, especially women, returning to school represented a real juggling act with their time management. This trend was so strong that a significant number of people asked to participate felt that they could not spare the hour the interview would take. This trend of women being stressed for time to do everything they and others expected of them was so strong that they mentioned that perhaps the idea of people attending school throughout their lives might be a male view because often men do not have to juggle as many important tasks as women. The women who were interviewed noted that they had family, personal and work commitments, all of which had to come before school, with the result that when they attended classes, often there was no room in their lives for any social activities connected to their academic work (Baxter & Tight, 1994). However, Palwak (1999) points out that in an age of rapidly changing technology, it may be necessary to include education in one's career plans to the worker does not become stuck with archaic skills. The difficulty in juggling time is also demonstrated in discussions on this topic by the fact that so many articles focus on retirees who return to learning because they finally have the time to study things that have interested them for many years.

Reviewing Classroom Management Plan Essay

In reviewing this classroom management plan, I will be looking at the various elements that make up the plan. Such as the visual environment, physical arrangement, class rules and procedures as well as the types of instruction, communication plan and the teacher’s personal philosophy. Classroom management involves teacher actions to create a learning environment that encourages positive social interaction, active engagement in learning, and self- motivation. (Burden 2004) The management plan discusses how the visual environment will be set up to motivate the students to learn by having a star student board. That recognizes the student’s hard work both intellectually and socially. As well as having the walls decorated with posters and student’s artwork. There will also be plants and animals in the classroom that the students will be take care of in order to develop of sense of responsibility. It is important to make your classroom an attractive, comfortable place. (Burden, 2004) Sensory stimulation is another effect of a good classroom setting. For children, it is easier to learn in a very appealing classroom, because the elements of the things that would appeal to the senses are there. Pictures, colors, sound, and so forth. (Furniture, 2008)The physical arrangement is set up in groups so that the students can use it as a work space as well as centers. By putting the desks in group it promotes group cohesiveness as well as helping with behavior management. It also helps students with different learning needs, because students get the help that they need by having their peers and teacher to help them. Having different centers in the classroom is an excellent way to incorporate many skills and concepts, but it is also a great way to target students’ different learning styles. This plan gives students a chance to express their different learning styles. By giving them a chance to work with other students in the book nook area or meet with them on the carpet at different designated times. The arrangement of furniture affects space allocation and space allocation has effects to the learning atmosphere. If the classroom looks narrow and small for students, they feel restricted and they do not interact well. On the other hand, if a classroom provides adequate space, students feel that there is space for interaction. (Furniture, 2008) The room is set up so the high traffic areas are free of congestion and there is plenty of space to be able to move around the room effectively. Some things that you could add to make the classroom more accessible for students in a wheel chair is by maybe adding a ramp outside the class room, and larger work space area for the student to be able work at instead of a traditional desk. The way the desks, tables, and other classroom materials are arranged affects instruction and has an influence on order in the classroom. (Burden, 2004) The plan does not tell how the teacher developed the rules. Ways that you could have the students become involved in the process of making the rules is by asking the students what things that they think should be a rule. Depending on the age of children, the teacher may need to reword the rules in positive way instead of a negative. When teachers collaborate with their students to identify the need for rules and procedures in the classroom it helps to establish an orderly and safe place for learning. When they are given the opportunity to help create the list of rules, students are more motivated to follow them. Students will understand that the rules are meant to keep them safe and help them figure out what to do. Rules are general behavioral standards or expectations that are to be followed in classroom. They are general rules of conduct that are intended to guide individual behavior in an attempt to promote positive interaction and avoid disruptive behavior. (Burden, 2004) For playground and cafeteria behavior the teacher has the students follow the classroom rules. Procedures are approved ways to achieve specific tasks in the classroom. (Burden, 2004) If students know the classroom procedures, the routine runs more smoothly and efficiently and less time is wasted. (Ashbaker, 2006) Establishing classroom procedures and rules helps teachers and students to stay organized. When the students have  clear expectations there are fewer behavior disruptions. Procedures tell students how to perform routine instructional and housekeeping tasks. (Sadlers, 2009) The teacher has set transitions for the students to follow for beginning of the school day, leaving the room, returning to the room and the ending of day. The transitions for starting the day is having the students put a card onto the bulletin board telling what they want for lunch, they will also find out what their job will be for the day. By doing this it teaches the student’s responsibility for making sure that their job gets done and they get to chose what they want for lunch. The students next need to go to their desks and do their morning working which gives all the students time to put their lunch card onto the bulletin board and find out their job. As well as letting the teacher get any last minute things ready for the day of instruction. The students have a set way of leaving the room in which they need to do the appropriate sign language sign for their needs. Then once the teacher acknowledges them, they also need to sign out on the sheet by the door and take the hall pass. When returning to the room the students needs to enter the room quietly and sign back in on the paper and return the hall pass and then return back to their work. By doing this it also forces the student to take responsibility for remembering the right sign language sign and also to make sure that the teacher sees the sign before they can get from their desk. As well as making sure to remember to sign out and sign in and take the hall pass and return the pass when they return back to the room. Transitions are movements from one activity to another. A smooth transition allows one activity to flow into another without any breaks in the delivery of the lesson. To reduce the potential for disorder during transitions, you should prepare students for upcoming transitions, establish efficient transition routines, and clearly define the boundaries for the lessons. (Burden, 2003) The children are taught sign language for the words drinking fountain, sink, and bathroom, which are non-verbal cues that the students can use to let the teacher know of their needs. As well the teacher also uses cues by raising her hand in the air to let children know that the classroom is getting too noisy. The students will then raise their hands as well and put their finger over their lips and immediately stop what they are doing and put their eyes on the teacher. By using sign language as well as other non verbal cues, it is a way for the student as well as the teacher to express themselves without disrupting the class. The teacher states that she will using multiple intelligences to include all learning styles, She will be using a combination of direct instruction, small groups and center to teach the students. There is no mention in the plan of how the teacher creates or delivers her lesson plan. To meet the needs of diverse students, instruction cannot be one-dimensional. By using various methods of instruction it helps each student to reach their academic potential. (Burden, 2004)There is a communication plan set up to keep the teacher, students and parents up to date on the student’s progress. The students will receive feedback on their assignments as well as assignments will be displayed on the front board. Each student will keep track of their assignments in their own personal assignment books. If a student stops completing their assignments then there will be a pink slip that will be sent home to the parent. Which will explain the assignment that was not completed the consequences as well the slip needs to be signed by a parent before sending back to school. There will also be a star bulletin board set up where the teacher will give the student positive feedback. Parent conferences will be held as well as having report cards sent home. This plan help the students receive some positive feedback from their teachers as well as letting them stay up to date on their homework assignments. Although I think this plan needs to include more ways for students as well as parents to receive frequent positive and negative feedback. Providing positive feedback helps the child to feel good about what they have accomplished. As well from negative feedback learn what skill or behavior they need to approved upon. Overall I like this class management plan; I believe Classroom Management is the key component in any educational setting. I believe that if students are in a safe environment, then learning can take place. In this plan the teacher set the tone for the class, by preventing behavior problems with interesting and engaging curriculums and effectively including all students in the classroom so that their needs are met. Having the right environment for all students to learn should be every teacher’s major goal. In order to implement an effective classroom management plan in the classroom, without it the students would not be able to learn. The changes I would make are to include more feedback for students and information on how the rules and lesson plan were developed and implemented. Also let the students have a part in developing the rules, so that will have a better understanding of rules. They also will be more inclined to follow them and the consequences. Another thing that is missing is a behavior system that includes some certain of reward system for the students as well as the classroom for positive behavior and consequences for negative behavior. I would leave everything else the same; I think that the main components of the plan would work well with the needed changes that I have suggested. I think that a paraprofessional would be able to fit nicely into this plan by helping the teacher and students when needed. . References Ashbaker, B. & Morgan, J. (2006). Paraprofessionals in the Classroom. Boston, MA: Pearson Education, Inc Burden, Paul R. (2003). Classroom management: Creating a successful learning Community (2nd). JohnWiley & Sons. Maine Burden, P. (2004) An Educator’s Guide to Classroom Management. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin. Sadlers, Krista. (2009, November 2). How to Establish Classroom Procedures and Rules. Retrieved from http://classroom-organization. suite101. com/article. cfm/how_to_establish_classroom_procedures_and_rules Furniture Arrangement affects learning. (2008). Retrieved from http://sugearup. com/2008/09/furniture-arrangement-affects-learning.